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Et si on arrêtait d'avoir peur?

Songeons maintenant à la charge qui aurait été contenue dans la phrase de M Dupuis si un député péquiste avait utilisé les propos de Mme St-Pierre à l’égard d’un député libéral, fils d’immigrant. La tornade ! Je refais ce constat, presque banal, des deux poids deux mesures utilisés en matière d’intolérance au Québec. Les souverainistes (qui comprennent quelques intolérants, je puis en témoigner) sont systématiquement victimes de présomption d’intolérance. Les fédéralistes, qui en comptent aussi beaucoup, sont systématiquement présumés blancs comme neige à cet égard.

Madame: Cachez cette intolérance, que nous ne saurions voir!, Jean-François Lisée, 14 novembre 2009

Nwoer

Pratt, a United Auto Workers member, has five kids and a mortgage payment of $1,100 a month on a house in Detroit worth no more than $40,000. The payment's astronomical because he pays 11% on his mortgage balance, double the national average interest rate. Now, on those crazy terms, he's sure to lose his house.

How did that happen? Pratt, whose story we've been tracking, was "steered" into a sub-prime loan by Countrywide Financial. "Steering" is the polite term for forcing folk into crappy loan terms. And not just any folk: Black folk, like Pratt. Over 60% of African-American mortgage applicants were (and ARE) steered into "sub-prime" predatory loans.

According to exhaustive studies by the Federal Reserve Board and the Center for Responsible Lending (CRL), African Americans are 250% more likely to get a loan with an "exploding interest" clause than white borrowers - and notably, the higher the income and the better the credit rating of a Black borrower, the more likely the discrimination.

The Day the President Turned Black (But has he turned back?), Greg Palast, 29 juillet 2009

Il faut arrêter Dieudonné

[...] this is only one in “hundreds of violent actions” carried out by the French version of the banned US Jewish Defense League in recent years. There is no reason to expect them to stop so long as they can count on indulgence on the part of French authorities and the silence of the mainstream media. The vandalism on the Resistances bookstore was reported by the French news agency AFP, but the dispatch was apparently carried only by the small tabloid Le Parisien and not by the major newspapers, much less by television. Usually, almost the only people who are informed about such events are in the politically active circles targeted for intimidation.

The general public remains ignorant of these aggressions, while it is regularly informed by television of even relatively minor acts of anti-Semitism – some of them imaginary (as the famous case a few years ago of the young woman who totally invented a story of being the victim of an “anti-Semitic assault” by blacks in the suburban commuter train in order to get attention from her family, and got the attention of everyone in France all the way up to the President of the Republic). Real “anti-Semitic acts” occur, but most are no more organized than school-yard insults. However, the publicity they receive serves to keep alive the notion that the very existence of Jews is under perpetual threat – the basic alibi used by the Jewish Defense League. The false claim that “the French government does nothing to protect Jews” is used as a pretext for aggressive “self-defense”.

Zionist Fanatics Practice Serial Vandalism in Paris, Diana Johnstone, 6 juillet 2009

Jon Lajoie sur MJ

"You motherfucking hypocrits,
remember what you said he did"

Michael Jackson is Dead



Merci heçKtör Dângüs, esq.

Un journaliste, un fouet, un nanane

People should start attending and disrupting Holocaust Memorial services in clown costumes. That’s a brilliant idea! -Karin Friedemann

Un système néo-colonial

J'en ai appris l'existence par La Presse de ce matin. Combien d'argent dépensé pour cette institution ennemie; combien pour leurs hôpitaux ?

Just over a week ago, as things seemed to be simmering in the wake of Hérouxville headlines, Parti Québecois leader Pauline Marois dropped Bill 195 into the National Assembly-a bill proposing that Quebec issue its own citizenship. Not to supersede Canadian citizenship, just to complement it in order to unify Francophones and Anglophones. To establish a clearly defined "we".

That and it would require all new Quebeckers to learn French within three years of immigration or suffer the consequences.

Quebec citizenship as described in Bill 195 would by its very nature create two tiers of Quebec immigrants. There would be the loyal patriotes, those who fell in line with Quebec language, culture and broader identity, and then there would be those who failed to assimilate. The former group would be entitled to full social benefits and respect, while the latter would be barred from holding public office at any level, raising funds for political parties or petitioning the National Assembly for redress of a grievance. PQ language critic Pierre Curzi stated recently in a radio interview with shock-jockey Gilles Proulx that a sovereign Quebec could and would strip unilingual Anglophones (specifically West Islanders) of their voting rights, but has since retracted his comments. In other countries, similar policies have also been known as "apartheid," but Marois (doubtless concerned with the term coming across as a little un-sexy) has gone with the name "identity act" instead.

But I'm not here to talk about neo-fascism. I've chosen to speak instead on the content of Bill 195. Clearly, this bill is geared towards assimilating foreign nationals into Quebec culture, but setting these kinds of standards and imposing consequences for failure to adhere to them does indeed beg the question: Would many Quebeckers even qualify for Quebec citizenship?

Foremost, citizenship would require Quebeckers to have solid working knowledge of French. Already the alarm bells are ringing. Though it's unclear how many Quebec adults are functionally illiterate, most surveys and studies place the figure between 20 and 25 per cent. This means that one of every four or five Quebeckers cannot read or write beyond an eighth grade level. Even for the lucky three-quarters, the language being spoken here is a distant, bastardized cousin of its European ancestor. Would Marois insist that immigrants learn local idioms such as "icitte" or "m'ah-te dire," use personal pronouns such as "moé" and "twoié," or refer to automobiles as "chars" or "minounes"? There are a few mentions in Bill 195 of revitalizing the promotion of strong spoken and written French in the Quebec curriculum, which would be commendable if it weren't for the fact that Pierre Elliott Trudeau has been touting the necessity of "re-learning French" since the late 1960s. But of course, Quebeckers took all that with a grain of salt because Trudeau was a traitor and a deserter.

There's also this stretch of Bill 195 (one of my personal favourites), about how Quebec citizens must pledge allegiance to the Quebec constitution, which doesn't exist yet, but will soon in order to free us from the shackles of the imperialistic Canadian Charter that has been keeping us down for a quarter-century. Interesting indeed, given that Quebec's provincial government has never recognized Canada's 1982 Constitution Act but still blissfully enjoys all the rights and freedoms it provides. So much for practicing what you preach.

Regarding Bill 195's provisions for the teaching of Quebec history and culture, I doubt the majority of native Quebeckers know in what year the Battle of the Plains of Abraham took place, where the first French settlement was located or who the first provincial premier was. As for Quebec culture, just read up on Céline Dion, Les Boys and Le Bonhomme Carnaval and you'll have all your bases covered.

Bill 101 has inadvertently cheated a generation of Francophone kids from a place in an increasingly globalized job market that values bilingualism and has little to no use for folks who can't speak their mother tongue properly. The sad truth, and what Marois fails to realize, is that Quebeckers need to fulfill the requirements of Bill 195 more than immigrants do.

Quebec's apartheid politics, Ben Lemieux, The McGill Tribune, 30 octobre 2007

La valeur de McGill University

Une salle de classe adjacente au bureau où je travaille sert pour des classes d'été, ici un programme d'études supérieures commun pour israéliens et palestiniens. Voici ce qu'ils ont pu apprendre sur notre belle patrie par la professeur:

-Les français qui viennent ici préfèrent parler en anglais tellement notre français est horrible. Elle même est 'techniquement' bilingue, ayant vécu toute sa vie ici, mais elle a appris "le vrai français" et ne peut converser avec les québécois (nommés 'them').

-la loi 101 est une aberration, et les 'francophones' n'en veulent pas.

-et j'en passe.

Les québécois n'existent pas à McGill, sont au pire une nuisance qui finira bien par disparaitre. Je me rappelle encore l'incrédulité d'une collègue (born and raised here, unable to speak french) quant à notre consommation de produits culturels québécois (you actually watch tv in french ?)


Sans trop de rapport, de la revue New Left Review, (2001), qu'on ne peut taxer de colonialiste, et pourtant:

The legacy of Groulx is now an extremely difficult one for Québécois nationalism. He was a very important figure for those now in their 60s and 70s, but younger generations care little for him, especially with recent controversies about the extent of his anti-Semitism.²¹ Jacques Parizeau’s infamous comment on the night of the 1995 referendum—that ‘money and the ethnic vote’ (sic) (an equation perhaps implicitly anti-Semitic (sic)) doomed the result—was widely and heatedly repudiated in the province, and Parizeau resigned as Premier the next day; but the lingering remnants of an earlier xenophobia continue to haunt Québécois nationalism.<sup>22

21</sup> This is detailed (sic) at excruciating length by Esther Delisle, The Traitor and the Jew: Anti-Semitism and Extremist Right-wing Nationalism in French Canada from 1929 to 1939, trans. Madeleine Hébert, Montreal and Toronto 1993. Mordecai Richler relied on Delisle’s research for his caustic remarks on the xenophobic quality of Québécois nationalism in Oh Canada! Oh Quebec!: Requiem for a Divided Country, Toronto 1992, which elicited considerable uproar. Richler’s opinions are widely shared in anglophone Quebec.

²² Most dramatically in the recent ‘affaire Michaud’ concerning a long-time PQ activist, Yves Michaud, who developed an unsavoury obsession with the opposition of Jewish voters to the PQ and its national project. The controversy contributed to the resignation of Lucien Bouchard, who had succeeded Parizeau as Premier, when it became apparent that many in the PQ resented the extraordinary steps the Premier took to condemn Michaud (sic).


Autre non-lien:

Delimax

On the evening of a bitter ice storm in downtown Montreal, a surivor of the holocaust incarcerates his French Canadian and her Nationalist boyfriend to teach them the meaning of persecution. The lesson goes awry.


Et du Macleans de mars: Le Deadbeat

Mumia

"Journalists for Mumia" Newspaper just released, Abu-Jamal-News.com, 24 avril 2007 via-1 ZMag



Michael: In my book, I picked five of the 26 photos to show the following three points:

• The cops manipulated evidence and supplied the trial court with stuff that was simply stage-managed. On Polakoff’s photos, P.O. Faulkner’s police hat at first is clearly on the roof of Billy Cook’s VW, and only later on the sidewalk in front of 1234 Locust where it was photographed by the police photographer who arrived 10 minutes after Polakoff! So much for “reading items into evidence,” as it is called at criminal trials.
• There is Police Officer James Forbes who at the trial claimed he had “secured” the weapons of both Faulkner and Mumia without touching them on their metal parts in order to not destroy potential fingerprints. Even on the single photo reprinted in the book you can see that Forbes is touching the weapons on their metal parts, and quite a few of Polakoff’s other photos make it clear that Forbes touched and smudged these weapons all over, destroying any potential fingerprint evidence that may have been on them.
• The second-most important prosecution witness, cab driver Robert Chobert, simply was not parked in the spot (allegedly right behind Officer Faulkner’s police squad car) where he claimed to have been and from where he claimed to have observed Mumia fire the shot that killed the officer. I show that within the maybe ten minutes that it took Polakoff to get to the crime scene after he heard of the event via police radio, it was all but impossible for Chobert to park his cab elsewhere.

Freiheit für Mumia Abu-Jamal!, Michael Schiffmann interviewé par Hans Bennett, 1er décembre 2006

Ça va pas la tête ?

L'humoriste participe à une fête du Front national aux côtés de Jean-Marie Le Pen

Dieudonné discute avec le numéro 2 du Front national, Bruno Gollnish.

Paris -- Le célèbre humoriste français Dieudonné, très populaire au Québec, où il se produit presque chaque année, serait-il sur le point d'appeler à voter pour l'extrême droite? «Je n'appellerai pas à voter Le Pen, mais je ne dis pas non plus qu'il ne faut pas», dit celui qui ne craint plus de s'afficher auprès du leader du Front national.



Les nouveaux amis de Dieudonné, Christian Rioux, 18 novembre 2006

Ah non, pas lui!

Le Kramer de Seinfeld perd complètement les pédales, et pas à peu près.

"Kramer's" Racist Tirade -- Caught on Tape

Posted Nov 20th 2006 8:30AM by TMZ Staff
Filed under: Train Wrecks

Michael Richards exploded in anger as he performed at a famous L.A. comedy club last Friday, hurling racial epithets that left the crowd gasping, and TMZ has obtained exclusive video of the ugly incident.

Richards, who played the wacky Cosmo Kramer on the hit TV show "Seinfeld," appeared onstage at the Laugh Factory in West Hollywood. Kyle Doss, an African-American, told TMZ he and some friends were in the cheap seats and he was playfully heckling Richards when suddenly, the comedian lost it.

The camera started rolling just as Richards began his attack, screaming at one of the men, "Fifty years ago we'd have you upside down with a f***ing fork up your ass."

Richards continued, "You can talk, you can talk, you're brave now motherf**ker. Throw his ass out. He's a nigger! He's a nigger! He's a nigger! A nigger, look, there's a nigger!"

The crowd is visibly and audibly confused and upset. Richards responds by saying, "They're going to arrest me for calling a black man a nigger."

One of the men who was the object of Richard's tirade was outraged, shouting back "That's un-f***ing called for, ain't necessary."

After the three-minute tirade, it appears the majority of the audience members got up and left in disgust.

Attempts to reach Richards' reps were unsuccessful.